卷首语

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《藏外佛教文献》第一辑的卷首语曾解释过什么叫「藏外佛教文献」，指出「近代以来从梵文、巴利语、藏文、蒙文等各种文字翻译的佛教典籍；敦煌藏经洞保存的大量佛教典籍；各地图书馆、博物馆保存的未为历代大藏经所收的古代佛教典籍；正史、地方史志、丛书、类书、个人文集中保存的佛教资料；与佛教有关的金石资料；近现代的佛教著作与资料。上述种种均可称为藏外佛教文献。」第一辑至第三辑比较集中地整理与發表了敦煌遗书中的若干佛教文献，而现在呈献于读者面前的第四辑至第六辑则拟将其他方面的佛教文献也择要介绍若干，以使读者对所谓「藏外佛教文献」有更加具体的印象。

首先是汉译藏文佛典。众所周知，藏传佛教是我国三大佛教体系之一，与汉传佛教始终交互影响。从典籍交流史看，藏传佛教典籍曾四度影响汉文佛典。第一次發生在唐代，当时吐蕃统治敦煌七十余年，一些藏文佛典在敦煌被译为汉文。数量虽然不多，但对敦煌佛教有较大影响。这批典籍没有传到内地，因而没有被收入汉文大藏经，但幸而保存在敦煌遗书中。《藏外佛教文献》第三辑發表的《因缘心论颂》、《因缘心论释》即属此类。第二次發生在西夏，当时把一大批藏文佛典翻译为汉文。这些佛典主要在西夏流传，也没有能够收入传统的大藏经，但近代以来在西夏故地屡有發现。《藏外佛教文献》第二辑發表的《八种粗重犯堕》即属此类。如果说上两次的影响局限在一定的范围内，则后两次的影响则广泛得多。第三次發生在元代，从现有资料看，翻译的数量不多，且已入藏。第四次發生在近代，这一次的典籍交涉，无论是深度还是广度，都大大超出前三次。翻译的典籍无虑百十部，但至今缺乏全面、系统的收集与整理。我们从中选择了隆莲法师于五十年代初期翻译的《入菩萨行论广解》，刊登在第四辑，以飨读者。隆莲法师是中国当代比丘尼中的第一人，她的这个译本，赵朴初先生在序言中已有定评。目前，不少人对藏传密法颇有兴趣，坊间有关书籍出版得不少，但人言言殊。我们希望本文献的發表能促使研修者更加重视藏传佛教原始资料的学习与钻研，以正本清源。

其次是汉译南传佛典。古代，曾有不少南传佛典的经典被译为汉文，但随著佛教的衰落，南传佛典的翻译也成为绝响。本世纪三十年代编撰《普慧藏》时，曾计㓰将南传佛典译为汉文，但因为缺乏专门人才，收入《普慧藏》中的若干南传佛典，实际是从日文转译的。其后，南传佛典的翻译一直是我国佛教界、学术界注目的重点，也翻译了如《法句经》、《清净道论》等一些典籍，但从总体看，这一工作断断续续，没有能够真正展开。八十年代以来，情况有所改观，台湾佛教界致力于从日文转译南传佛典，大陆学者则努力从巴利语原典直接进行翻译。其中特別是邓殿臣教授發大愿心，把全部力量投入这一事业，精心翻译出一批南传典籍。正当我们为南传佛典陆续译出而欢欣的时候，邓殿臣教授因积劳成疾，不幸逝世。这是我们的一大损失。邓殿臣教授逝世前不久，我与他已就在《藏外佛教文献》上發表他的译作达成一致意见。在与邓殿臣教授进行遗体告別时，我暗下决心，一定要尽力把邓殿臣教授翻译的典籍出版出来。在邓殿臣夫人赵桐女士的大力支持下，这一愿望终于实现。这次刊登在第五辑上的《小诵》、《即兴自说》、《大隧道本生》就是邓殿臣教授的遗作，《大念处经》则是邓殿臣教授与其夫人赵桐女士合作翻译的。此外，邓殿臣教授翻译的《大隧道本生经传》已由中国佛教协会列入「法音文库」印行，《长老偈．长老尼偈》也已经由中国社会科学出版社出版。当前，中国佛教界一批年轻僧人对于初期佛教持有特殊而又浓厚的兴趣，希望从初期佛教中找到对治当今佛教界某些弊病的法门。我们希望南传佛教典籍的翻译，对他们的这种探索能够有所助益。

使我们感到特別高兴的是我们在第六辑中能够向诸位提供一批云南阿咤力教的典籍。

云南大理等地区流传著一种称为「阿咤力教」的佛教，这是人们早就知道的事实。但这种阿咤力教究竟属于那一个系统，过去则有著种种不同的说法，有的认为它属于印度密教系统；有的认为它属于藏传佛教系统；有的认为它是印度密教的本土化，称之为「滇密」。总之，虽然尚不能正确地定义，但一般均将它归为密教。前些年，台湾蓝吉富教授在实地调查的基础上，指出：阿咤力教「与密教之间的关系，必须要重新估量。轻率地将它与唐代开元间的密教、或日本、西藏的密教（或密宗）㓰上等号，是不精确的。」他认为：「阿咤力教信仰，是仍在杂密阶段的法术式的信仰。……似乎祇是密教外壳的展示而已，并没有吸收到密教的核心内涵。……阿咤力教的教法，主要仍然来自中国的汉地佛教。」为阿咤力教的研究指出了新的方向。

云南社会科学院宗教研究所的侯冲先生经过长期艰苦的努力，收集到大量的阿咤力教的典籍，在充分占有资料的基础上，提出阿咤力教并非前人所谓的密教，而是在明初教、禅、讲分离政策下出现并迁移到云南的「教」派的残余。也就是说，所谓阿咤力教，实际是明代「教」派的活化石。当然，「活化石」言者，无非是强调阿咤力教实际与明代的「教」派一脉相承，并不是说阿咤力教完全保持著明代「教」派的原状，没有任何改变。诸法无常，世界上没有永不改变的事物。例如由在家人出任阿咤力，就是一个巨大的变化。总之，侯冲先生的研究虽然还有不少方面需要进一步完善与仔细论证，但已使我们对阿咤力教有了全新的认识，以前的疑滞一扫而空。

侯冲先生工作的另一个意义是再次证明了科学研究中努力占有原始资料的重要性。前此人们对于阿咤力教所以有种种不著边际的看法，主要原因是没有占有原始资料，仅满足于二手资料的转抄与人云亦云的摘引。蓝吉富先生作了实地调查，虽然由于条件有限，没有能够实际见到多少阿咤力教的典籍，但仅凭他见到的部分阿咤力教典籍的目录及其他资料，他就敏锐地發现前此的观点是错误的。而侯冲先生之所以能够發前人之所未發，关键正在于他调查掌握与整理了一大批前人没有见到过的阿咤力教典籍。發表在第六辑的就是其中的一部分。我们希望这种重视原始资料的学风能够得到切实的發扬。同时，我们也希望各文献收藏单位能够秉承「学术者，天下之公器也」的优良传统，为中国学术文化事业的發展，作出应有的贡献。

石刻资料始终是佛教资料的一个重要组成部分。石刻资料的内容非常丰富，诸如碑铭、造像题记、刻经等等。古代僧人曾十分重视这些资料的收集与利用，如历代的僧传，几乎没有不大量利用碑铭资料的。在《藏外佛教文献》的第四辑，我们刊登一批重庆大足的石刻资料。大足石窟开创于宋代，是我国著名的石窟之一。所刻诸种经文偈颂与造像，为我们瞭解与研究当时的佛教提供了重要的资料。例如从第四辑所刊的大足石刻资料，明显反映出当时佛教以因果报应来劝善惩恶，用提倡孝道而争取民众，以他力拯救为解脱号召的特色，而这正是中国民俗化佛教，或称信仰性佛教的三个最基本的特点。

敦煌遗书中佛教文献的整理已经成为《藏外佛教文献》的特色。由于第四、第五、第六等三辑中非敦煌资料收入较多，敦煌资料的篇幅祇好相对压缩，总计五篇。第四辑刊登三阶教资料两篇，其中《佛性问答》（拟）是近年在北京图书馆新發现的，特约请业露华先生予以整理。本文的敦煌俗字较多，因缺乏校本对照，虽经我们反覆校对多次，也曾请教过文字学方面的专家，但仍然没有把握说所有的字都已经辨认无误，还请方家指正。另一篇《大乘无尽藏法》，是信行的早期著作，日本矢吹庆辉曾拟名作「信行遗文」，收录在《三阶教研究》的资料篇。这次根据新發现的资料重新整理。《如来在金棺嘱累清净庄严敬福经》是一部中国人撰写的疑偽经，系根据敦煌遗书与石刻资料综合整理而成。该经特別强调必须如法写经造像，反映了南北朝时期僧人力图匡正时弊的努力。我想，这对于我们每一个佛教文献整理者来说，也有一定的借鉴意义。收在这三辑中的敦煌佛教文献还有第五辑中的《瑜珈师地开释分门记》与第六辑中的《进新译大方广佛花严经表（附总目）》。

第四、第五、第六等三辑每辑刊登一篇研究论文。其中陈金华先生的论文《传善无畏所译三部密教仪轨出处及年代考》是他的博士论文的缩写，文中以大量的证据与严密的逻辑，指出传统认为由善无畏翻译的三部密教典籍实际上并非善无畏所译，而是日本天台宗僧人编撰的。这涉及到日本佛教台密的一系列重大问题，想必会引起读者的兴趣。侯冲先生的《云南阿咤力教经典及其在中国佛教中的研究价值》罗列了他所收集到的五十余种阿咤力教典籍的目录，并简单介绍了他对云南阿咤力教研究的最新观点，可以作为第六辑所發表的阿咤力教经典的一个附录。至于我本人的《天台教典入藏考》，考察的对象虽然是天台教典的入藏，但目的却在于探索《开宝藏》的目录结构。我曾与日本绪方香州先生约定，合作进行《开宝藏》目录的复原研究，这篇论文实际就是上述研究一个部分。

《藏外佛教文献》第三辑出版于1997年3月，此后不断有读者询问以下诸辑的出版消息。按照编委会每半年出版一辑的原定计㓰，我们本应在97年内出版第四辑。但如上面所介绍的，此次组织的稿件绝大多数不是由编委提供，故整理、编辑的进程也相应有所不同，因而延误了定稿的时间。最后，我们决定乾脆将第四辑、第五辑、第六辑等三辑的稿件，作为一个整体，统筹处理，一并出版。这样，从总体来说，我们基本上仍保持半年一辑的进度。今后，如果经费能够保证，没有其他特殊情况，我们将力争保持每半年一册的进度。从整理内容而言，除了还有部分已经整理好的阿咤力教的典籍将陆续刊登外，今后的一个阶段，我们将把整理的重点依然放在敦煌遗书方面。

FOREWORD

In the foreword to the first number of our Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, I have pointed out that "Here we find, for example, all kinds of Buddhist scriptures translated in modern times from Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan, Mongolian, etc.; a great amount of Buddhist texts from the Dunhuang Scripture Cave; ancient Buddhist texts which are kept in various libraries and museums and have not yet been included in the Tripitakas of the various eras; Buddhist materials preserved in dynastic histories, local gazetteers, classified reference books and collected works of individual persons; materials on stone and bronze inscriptions; Buddhist works and materials of recent dates. All the above-mentioned works can be called Buddhist texts not contained in the Tripitaka. "Our first three numbers have, relatively speaking, laid stress upon the collation and publication of a number of Buddhist texts among the surviving documents from Dunhuang, and the fourth to sixth numbers, which we are presenting to our readers, have also selected some important Buddhist texts in other areas so that our readers can get more detailed knowledge of the so-called Buddhist texts not contained in the Tripitaka.

Let me first talk about the Chinese translations of the Tibetan Buddhist scriptures. As is well known, Tibetan Buddhism, being one of the three major Buddhist systems in China, and Chinese Buddhism have mutually influenced each other all the time. According to the history of texts exchanges, Tibetan Buddhist texts have exerted influence upon Chinese ones four times. The earliest influence occurred during the Tang Dynasty. A number of Tibetan Buddhist texts were translated into Chinese in Dunhuang in more than seventy years when it was under the reign of ancient Tibet named Tubo. Although the number of the translations was not large, they had influenced Dunhuang Buddhism greatly. Nevertheless, these texts have not reached the interior of our country, and as a result, have not been included into Chinese Tripitakas. Fortunately, they have been preserved among the surviving Dunhuang documents. The two texts entitled Yin Yuan Xin Lun Song and Yin Yuan Xin Lun Shi, which we have published in the third number of our Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, just fall into this category. The later influence occurred during the reign of the Western Xia, when a good number of Tibetan Buddhist scriptures were translated into Chinese. Those Chinese texts mainly spread in the area controlled by the Western Xia regime, and therefore have not been included into traditional Tripitakas. However, in places where the Western Xia used to be, people have repeatedly found some of the texts since modern times. One example is the Ba Zhong Cu Zhong Fan Duo published in the first number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. Obviously, the influences exerted during the above-mentioned two times were confined in a very limited area. The following two influences, however, have been much farther and wider. The third influence occurred during the Yuan Dynasty, when, from the material available now, a small number of Buddhist texts were translated into Chinese and included into the Tripitakas. The fourth influence occurred in modern times, when the involved texts, in terms of both depth and width, have greatly surpassed the first three times. The number of the translated texts is about one hundred. Hitherto, they have not been collected and sifted completely and systematically. Now, we have selected the text Ru Pu Sa Xin Lun Guang Shi translated by Master Longlian in early 1950's and would like to offer it to our readers in the forth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. Master Longlian has excelled as a bhiksuni in contemporary China, and her translation has won the final judgment by Mr. Zhao Puchu in his preface to it. At present, many people have showed keen interest in Tibetan Tantrism, and quite a number of books in this area have been published. However, among them have been found various views. We hope that the publication of this text here can spur researchers to pay more attention to the studies of the source material of Tibetan Buddhism so as to avoid unnecessary errors.

Then come the Chinese translated versions of the southern Buddhist scriptures. In ancient times, many a southern Buddhist scripture had been translated into Chinese. However, with the decline of Buddhism, the translation work had been suspended for centuries. When the Puhuizang was being compiled in 1930's, they planned to resume the work to translate some southern Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. Being in short of specialized personnel, some southern Buddhist scriptures, which were included into the Puhuizang, had as a matter of fact been retranslated into Chinese from Japanese. Since then, the translation work of the southern Buddhist scriptures has become a focal point for the Chinese Buddhist and academic circles. Some scriptures such as the Fa Ju Jing and the Qing Jing Dao Lun had been translated into Chinese. However, this work, on the whole, being frequently off and on, had not been really unfolded. The situation has changed somewhat since 1980's. The Buddhist circles in Taiwan have been engaged in translating the southern Buddhist scriptures from Japanese while the Buddhist scholars in the mainland have made efforts to translate the scriptures directly from the original Pali texts. What is especially worth mentioning is Prof. Deng Dianchen's great determination and dedication to the cause, into which he had devoted all his efforts. And he had meticulously translated a group of southern Buddhist scriptures. While we were very delighted to see that the southern Buddhist scriptures had been continuously put into Chinese we learned the sad news that Prof. Deng had passed away because of constant overworking. His death was a great loss to our cause. Shortly before his death, Prof. Deng and I had agreed to publish his translations in the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. While I was paying my last respects to him I made up my mind in silence to try my best to publish the scriptures that Prof. Deng had translated into Chinese. Now, this wish has come true with the energetic support form Mrs. Zhao Tong, Professor Deng's wife. The Xiao Song, the Ji Xing Zi Shuo and the Da Sui Dao Ben Sheng, which are published in the fifth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, are all Prof. Deng's posthumous works, and the Da Nian Chu Jing has been jointly translated by Prof. Deng and Mrs. Zhao. In addition, the Da Sui Dao Ben Sheng Jing Zhuan translated by Prof. Deng has been published and included into the "Library of Dharma Voice" by the Chinese Buddhist Association, and his Zhang Lao Ji and Zhang Lao Ni Ji have also been put into one book and published by the Chinese Social Sciences Publishing House. At present, a group of young monks in Chinese Buddhist circles have been greatly interested in initial Buddhism, and expect to find ways from early Buddhism to cure some maladies in contemporary Buddhist circles. We hope that the translations of the southern Buddhist scriptures can be helpful to their exploration.

What has extremely delighted us is that we are able to offer a group of scriptures of the Azhali Sect in Yunnan to our readers.

The Buddhist Azhali Sect is popular in Dali and some other areas in Yunnan. This has been a well-known fact for a long time. Nevertheless, as to which system this Azhali Sect actually belongs to, people have voiced various opinions. Some think that it belongs to the system of Indian Tantrism; some feel that it belongs to the system of Tibetan Buddhism; others hold that it is the result of the naturalization of Indian Tantrism, and therefore name it as "Yunnan Tantrism." In a word, although people are still unable to define it properly, they generally attribute it to Tantrism. A few years ago, Prof. Lan Jifu from Taiwan, after his on-the-spot investigation there, pointed out that "the relationships between the Azhali Sect and Tantrism has to be reassessed. It would be imprecise to indiscreetly equate the Azhali Sect with the Tang Dynasty Tantrism during the reign period named Kaiyuan (713-741) or Japanese and Tibetan Tantrism. "(Yunnan Dali De Azhali Jiao, Zhongguo Fojiao Fanlun, Xin Wen Feng Publishing Company, August 1993, p. 5) He thought that "the Azhali belief is still the magic belief at the mixed period of Tantrism...It seems to be just the show of the outer casting of Tantrism, and has not yet absorbed the kernel connotation of Tantrism...The doctrine of the Azhali Sect has mainly come from hinterland Buddhism of China." (ibid., p. 71) He has indicated a new orientation for the studies of the Azhali Sect. Mr. Hou Chong, who works with the Institute of Religious Studies, the Yunnan Social Sciences Academy, has collected a large amount of the scriptures of the Azhali Sect after long-termed painstaking efforts. He has put forth on the basis of his rich material that the Azhali Sect is not equal to Tantrism as our predecessors have stated. On the contrary, it is in fact the vestiges of the 'religious' sect that occurred and migrated to Yunnan in early Ming Dynasty. In another word, the so-called Azhali Sect is, as a matter of fact, a living fossil of the "religious" sect in the Ming Dynasty. Of course, the living fossil here means to stress that the origin of the Azhali Sect can be traced back to the "religious" sect in the Ming Dynasty. By saying so, we do not mean that the Azhali Sect is identical with the "religious" sect in the Ming Dynasty and had not undergone any changes. All dharmas are changeable, and nothing can remain intact in the world. For instance, it is a great change for a layman to work for the Azhali Sect at present. In a word, Mr. Hou's research has cleared all kinds of doubts and helped us gain completely new knowledge of Azhali Sect, though there is still many an aspect in his research work for him to improve and perfect.

It is also significant for Mr. Hou to prove once again in his work that it is of great importance to try to gain firsthand information in scientific research. That people had various impractical opinions on the Azhali Sect before was mainly due to their lack of source material and their satisfaction with copying and citing some secondhand information. Mr. Lan made on-the-spot investigation and yet, confined by conditions, was unable to practically see many Azhali scriptures. However, just by the catalogs of partial Azhali scriptures and other material he had come across, he keenly found out that the before-going viewpoints were mistaken. The key for Mr. Hou to discover what others had not is his investigation, obtainment and collation of a large amount of Azhali scriptures that our predecessors had not seen. What we publish in the sixth number of our Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka is just a part of them. We do hope that this kind of style of study, which attaches importance to source material, can be carried forward in reality. At the same time, we also hope that various working places that collect and store documents can inherit the good tradition to regard "learning as a public business under the heaven," and make due contributions to the development of Chinese academic and cultural causes.

Stone inscriptions have always been a very important part of Buddhist material. The content of stone inscriptions has been pretty rich and full, covering tablet inscriptions, tablet records of statue construction and scriptures carved on stone blocks, etc.. Ancient monks once paid exceptional attention to the collection and utilization of the material. For instance, almost all the biographies of the monks in the past ages made wide use of the stone inscriptions. In the fourth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, we publish a group of the stone inscriptions from Dazu, Sichuan. The Dazu Grottoes opened up in the Song Dynasty are among the famous Chinese grottoes. All the carved scriptures, hymns and statues have offered important material for us to get to know and make studies of the then Buddhism. The Dazu stone inscriptions published in the fourth number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka, for instance, have clearly reflected the features of the then Buddhism: to encourage people to do good and punish evil-doers by the concept of retribution; to win over people by advocating filial duty; and to call on people to get salvation from other forces so as to obtain their deliverance, which are just the three most fundamental characteristics of the popularized Chinese Buddhism or Buddhism in the nature of belief.

Collating Buddhist texts from the surviving Dunhuang books has become a distinguishing feature of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka. Since our three numbers from the fourth to the sixth have included a lot of non-Dunhuang material, we have to reduce the scope for Dunhuang material and can only publish five texts concerned. The fourth number also publishes two pieces of material regarding the Sanjie Sect. One of them is entitled Fo Xing Wen Da, discovered in the Beijing Library in recent years, and we have specially requested Mr. Ye Luhua to collate it. Since there are more nonstandard forms of Chinese characters used in Dunhuang in the text, and we lack any collated texts for us to check against, we can not say for certain that we have identified all the Chinese characters without any mistakes, though we have rectified the text repeatedly and have also consulted some experts in philology. We, therefore, request our readers to point out any mistakes they may find. Another text entitled Da Cheng Wu Jin Zang Fa is an early work by Xinxing. The Japanese scholar 矢吹庆辉 once named it as "Posthumous Work by Xinxing" and included it into the Sanjiejiao Yanjiu as its material. Now it has been collated once again according to some newly-found material. The Ru Lai Zai Jin Guan Zhu Lei Qing Jing Zhuang Yan Jing Fu Jing is a "doubtful and spurious work" written by a Chinese, and we have collated it on the basis of some surviving Dunhuang books and some stone inscription material. The said text emphasizes particularly that one must write a scripture or build a statue according to dharma; it can also reflect the great efforts the monks in the Northern and Southern Dynasties had made to correct the maladies of the times. I think that it is of certain significance for every collator of the Dunhuang Buddhist literature to learn something from this. The Dunhuang Buddhist texts in the three said numbers also include the Yu Jia Shi Di Kai Shi Fen Men Ji in the fifth number and the Jin Xin Yi Da Fang Guang Fo Hua Yan Jing Biao (Fu Zong Mu) in the sixth number.

Each number from the fourth to the sixth publishes a research paper. Mr. Chen Jinhua's paper entitled Chuan Shanwuwei Suo Yi San Bu Mijiao Yigui Chuchu Ji Niandai Kao is an abridged version of his doctoral dissertation. With a vast amount of evidences and tight logic, he points out in his dissertation that the three Tantric scriptures are in fact not translated by Shanwuwei, but by a Japanese monk of the Tiantai Sect, though the translation of them has traditionally been attributed to the former. Since this has involved a series of vital matters with both the Tiantai and the Tantric Sects in Japanese Buddhism, I am sure that it should interest our readers. Mr. Hou has listed more than fifty personally collected texts belonging to the Azhali Sect in his paper entitled Yunnan Azhalijiao Jingdian Ji Qi Zai Zhongguo Fojiao Zhong De Yanjiu Jiazhi, and he has also briefly talked about his latest viewpoints on the studies of the Yunnan Azhali Sect. We therefore have attached it as an appendix to the texts of the Azhali Sect published in our sixth number. As for my paper entitled Tiantai Jiaodian Ruzang Kao, I have to say that it aims at probing the catalog structure of the Kaibaozang, though the object I have examined is the inclusion of the scriptures of the Tiantai Sect into the Tripitaka. Since I have made an appointment with Mr. 绪方香州, a Japanese scholar, to cooperate with each other in the program of studying and restoring the original catalog of the Kaibaozang, this paper is in fact a partial result of the above-mentioned research.

The third number of the Buddhist Texts Not Contained in the Tripitaka was published in March, 1997. Since then, our readers have kept inquiring for information about the publication of the following numbers. According to the original plan that one new number was to be published by the editorial board every six months, we should have published the fourth number in 1997. However, as what we have said above, the editorial process has been different from before and has been delayed, for the majority of the organized contributions are not provided by our editors. Finally, we decide to publish simultaneously the contributions in the fourth to sixth numbers as a whole. In this way, we have basically kept pace with our original plan. From now on, we shall try our best to publish one number every six months, if our funds can be guaranteed and no other special matters occur unexpectedly. In terms of the content, in addition to publishing continuously some of the collated texts of the Azhali Sect, we shall still lay stress on the collation of the Dunhuang surviving books.

Fang Guangchang

Beijing

June 25, 1998

(Translator Liu Jian)

序

方广锠

《藏外佛教文献》第一辑の序において、「藏外佛教文献」とは何であるかを、つぎのように解释したことがある。「近代以来、サンスクリツト语．パ—リ语．チベツト语．モンゴル语等の言语に翻译された佛教典籍。敦煌藏经洞に保存された大量の佛教典籍。各地の图书馆．博物馆に保管された历代大藏经未收の古代佛教典籍。正史．地方史志．丛书．类书．个人の文集中に含まれる佛教资料。佛教に关わる金石资料。近现代の佛教著作と资料。それらすべてを『藏外佛教文献』と呼ぶ。」これまでの第一辑から第三辑までは、敦煌遗书中の若干の佛教文献を集中的に整理發表してきたのであるが、今回の第四辑から第六辑においては、その他の方面の佛教文献をも若干选择绍介して、いわゆる「藏外佛教文献」の具体的なイメ—ジをもつていただきたいとおもう。

まずチベツト语佛典の汉译版である。周知のように、藏传佛教はわが国の三大佛教体系のひとつで、汉传佛教とつねに影响关系にあつた。典籍の交流史からみて、藏传佛教の典籍は汉文佛典に四回影响を及ぼしてきた。第一回は唐代である。当时の吐蕃が敦煌を统治した七十余年のあいだ、敦煌においていくつかのチベツト语佛典が汉译され、量的に多くはなかつたけれども、敦煌佛教にとつては大きな影响力をもつた。それらの典籍は内地に传わることなく、したがつて汉文大藏经に收められなかつたが、さいわいに敦煌遗书中に保存された。《藏外佛教文献》第三辑に發表した《因缘心论颂》、《因缘心论释》がすなわちそれである。第二回は西夏において、かなりの量のチベツト语佛典が汉译された。これらの佛典はおもに西夏で流传し、传统的な大藏经には收められなかつたが、近代以来、西夏の故地からしばしば發见されている。《藏外佛教文献》第二辑發表した《八种粗重犯堕》がすなわちそれである。第三回は元代であるが、现有の资料からみて、汉译の量は少なく、また入藏している。第四回は近代のことで、典籍の交涉はその深さにおいても、广さにおいても、それまでの三回をはるかに凌驾し、汉译された典籍は无虑百十部におよぶが、今に至るまで全面的系统的な收集と整理がなされていない。今回そのなかから隆莲法师が五十年代初期に翻译した《入菩萨行论广解》をえらび、第四辑に登载することにした。隆莲法师は当代中国比丘尼の第一人者で、その译本は赵朴初先生が序文に赏赞されるとおり定评がある。目下、藏传密教への关心が高まり、书籍の出版もさかんであるが、评价は定まつていない。この文献の發表によつて、藏传佛教の第一次资料が重视され、学修と研究が根本から变革されることを期待するものである。

つぎは南传佛典の汉译版である。南传佛典は古代から多くの经典が汉译されてきたが、佛教の不振とともに、その翻译も途绝えてしまつた。今世纪の三十年代に《普慧藏》が编纂されたとき、南传佛典汉译の计㓰があつたが、この方面の人才不足のため、《普慧藏》に收められたのは、日本语から重译された若干の南传佛典のみであつた。その后、南传佛典の翻译はわが国佛教界、学界の悬案事项として、《法句经》や《清净道论》などが汉译されたものの、断续的で、全面的展开には至らなかつた。八十年代になつて情况に变化があらわれ、台湾の佛教界では日本语からの重译に力を注ぎ、大陆の学者はパ—リ—语原典から直接に汉译する努力がつづけられた。とりわけ邓殿臣教授は全力を倾けてこの一大事业に取りくむ决意を示され、南传佛典のすぐれた翻译を续けてこられたが、まさにわれわれが南传佛典を陆续刊行しようとしたそのときに、疲劳のため不幸にして逝去された。これはわれわれにとつて大きな打击であつた。教授逝去のしばらく前に、わたしはその译稿を《藏外佛教文献》に發表する约束をしていた。告別のとき、何としてもその翻译された典籍を出版にこぎつけようと决意を固め、赵桐夫人の协力を得て、いまこの悲愿は实现することとなつたのである。このたび第五辑に收载された《小诵》、《即兴自说》、《大隧道本生》は教授の遗稿であり、《大念处经》は教授と赵桐夫人の共译である。このほか、教授の翻译にかかる《大隧道本生经传》は中国佛教协会によつて法音文库の一册として刊行され、《长老偈》と《长老尼偈》も中国社会科学出版社から出版されている。いま中国佛教界の若い僧侣たちは、昨今の佛教界にはびこる病弊を救う法门をみいだすべく、初期佛教に对して强い关心を寄せている。ここに收载した南传佛教典籍の翻译が、かれらの探索に裨益するものであることを愿つている。

第六辑に云南の阿咤力（アヂヤリ）教の典籍资料を提供できたことをうれしくおもう。

云南大理に「阿咤力教」と呼ばれる佛教が流布していることは、はやくから知られていた。しかしこの阿咤力教がどの系统に属するものであるかについては、解释の一致を见ず、インド密教の系统、チベツト佛教の系统、あるいはインド密教が中国化したものとして「滇密」と呼ばれており、严密な定义がなされぬまま、一般には密教に归せられていたものである。数年前、台湾の蓝吉富教授は现地调查にもとづいて、阿咤力教と「密教との关系は再检讨の必要があり、轻率に唐代开元期の密教あるいは日本．チベツトの密教（あるいは密宗）にひとしいと判断するのは正确ではない」（《云南大理の阿咤力教》，《中国佛教泛论》所收，新文丰出版公司，1993年8月）と指摘し、「阿咤力教の信仰はなお杂密段阶の法术的信仰であり、……密教的外壳を示すにすぎず、その中心的内容を吸收してはいない。……その教法は、主要にはやはり中国内地の佛教から摄取したものである」（同上）として、阿咤力教研究に新しい方向を示された。

云南社会科学院宗教研究所の侯冲氏は长年にわたる努力のすえ、大量の阿咤力教典籍を收集し、充分な资料的基础の上に立つて、それが从来言われていたような密教ではなく、明代初期の教禅讲分离政策下に出现し云南に移つた教派の残余であるとの见解を出された。すなわち阿咤力教とは、じつは明代教派の活きた化石である。もちろん活きた化石とは言つても、明代教派を相承しつつも、その原型を完全に保ち改变を受けなかつたというのではない。世のすべては诸法无常であつて、变化せぬものはない。たとえば在家のまま阿咤力となるなどは大きな变化である。侯冲氏の研究は细部の论证をへて完成されたものではないが、从前の疑滞を一扫し、阿咤力教に对するわれわれの认识を一新させるものであつた。

侯冲氏の仕事のもうひとつ意义は、科学的研究において第一次资料を掌握することの重要性をあらためて示したことである。从来阿咤力教に关して实际にそぐわない皮相な见かたが多かつたのは、第一次资料にもとづかず、第二次资料や孙引きで满足していたところに主な原因があつた。蓝吉富氏の现地调查はさまざまな制约から、阿咤力教の典籍を充分收集できなかつたとはいえ、实见した一部の目录やその他の资料から、从来の说が误つていたことを锐敏に察知された。侯冲氏の研究が前人を凌驾するのは、まさに从来见られなかつた大量の阿咤力教典をみずから调查し整理されたからに他ならない。第六辑に發表したものはその一部である。われわれはこうした第一次资料を重视する学风が正当に评价继承されることを愿つている。同时に、文献を收藏する各种の机关と个人が、「学术は天下の公器」というよき传统を受け继いで、中国学术文化事业の發展に贡献されるよう希望するものである。

石刻资料は佛教资料の重要な部分を占めてきた。それは碑铭．造像题记．刻经などのさまざまな内容をもつている。古代においてもその收集と利用は重视され、历代の僧传などはみな大量の碑铭资料にもとづいている。《藏外佛教文献》第四辑に、われわれは重庆の大足石刻资料を登载することにした。大足石窟は宋代に创られた著名な石窟であり、刻された经文．偈颂や造像は、当时の佛教を研究し理解するのに重要な资料を提供してくれる。たとえば今回收录した石刻资料から、当时の佛教の因果应报と劝善惩恶、孝道の提唱による民心の收揽、他力救济による解脱信仰といつた特色を明らかに看取することができ、しかもこれこそは中国の民俗化した佛教、あるいは信仰としての佛教のもつとも基本的な三大特色といつてよい。

敦煌遗书の佛教文献の整理は、すでに《藏外佛教文献》の特色となつている。今回の第四、第五、第六の三辑は非敦煌资料が多きを占めたので、敦煌资料の份量を缩小せざるを得ず、すべて五篇の收录となつた。第四辑に收めた三阶教资料二篇にうちの《佛性问答》（拟题）は、近年北京图书馆で新たに發见されたもので、とくに业露华氏に整理を依赖した。その本文には敦煌俗字が多く见られ、对照すべき校本もなく、何度も校录を检讨し、さらに文字学の专门家の指教をも得たが、なおすべの文字に完全を期したとは言えず、读者诸贤による是正を待ちたい。もう一篇の《大乘无尽藏法》は信行の初期の著作で、日本の矢吹庆辉氏が「信行遗文」として《三阶教研究》资料篇に收めたものである。このたび新發见の资料によつて再整理の手を加えた。同じく第四辑の《如来在金棺嘱累清净庄严敬福经》は中国人撰述の疑偽经であるが、敦煌遗书と石刻资料を综合して整理をした。この经典が正しく写经造像すべきことをとくに强调しているのは、南北朝时代の僧たちが时弊を矫正しようとした努力の表われであろう。そしてこれはわれわれ佛教文献の整理にたづさわる者ひとりひとりにとつても、铭记すべきことにおもわれる。今回の三辑に收めた敦煌佛教文献には、そのほか第五辑の《瑜伽师地开释分门记》と第六辑の《进新译大方广佛花严经表（附总目）》がある。

第四、第五、第六の三辑それぞれに研究论文一篇を收载する。陈金华氏の《传善无畏所译三部密教仪轨の译出地と年代考》は博士论文の要约で、多くの证据と严密な论理によつて、传统的に善无畏による翻译とされてきた三部の密教典籍がじつは善无畏所译ではなく、日本の天台宗の僧による编撰であることを指摘している。これは日本佛教の台密系のもつ大きな问题として、读者の兴味をひくことであろう。侯冲氏の《云南阿咤力教经典とその中国佛教における研究价值》は、氏の收集にかかる五十余种の阿咤力教典籍の目录をつらね、自身の阿咤力教研究の最新见解を叙べたもので、第六辑に發表した阿咤力教经典の附录とすることができる。拙论《天台教典入藏考》が考察の对像としたのは天台教典の入藏であるが、その目的は《开宝藏》目录の构成の探索にある。かつてわたしは日本の绪方香州氏と共同で《开宝藏》目录の复原研究をすすめる计㓰を话しあつたが、この论文はその研究の一环である。

《藏外佛教文献》の第三辑を1997年3月に出版したあと、たびたび读者からその后の出版についての问い合わせがあつた。半年ごとに一辑を刊行するという编辑委员会の方针に照らせば、97年内に第四辑を出すはずであつたが、上に记したように、今回收录した原稿の大部分は编辑委员会以外の手になるものであつたため、整理编辑の进行状况も从来と异なり、定稿に迟延をきたすこととなつた。けつきよく第四、第五、第六の三辑の原稿をひとまとめにし、统一处理をして同时出版することに决定した次第である。こうして全体からみれば、基本的に半年一辑のペ—スを守つたことになる。今后も经费が保证され、特殊事情のないかぎり、半年一辑刊行の努力をつづけてゆく所存である。内容については、すでに整理のすんだ阿咤力教の典籍の發表を除いて、やはり整理の重点を敦煌遗书に置きたいと考えている。

1998年6月25日记

（翻译：衣川贤次）